Lima, 1st December, 1823[1]
I mentioned to you in my last,[2] that Bolivar had safely arrived in this city. Some days after his arrival, I was introduced to him, and was very favourably received. He is, in appearance, a very modest unassuming man, as far as I can judge from the short conversation we had together. He appears very active and intelligent, but I could not read anything of an extraordinary nature in his countenance. He has not the eye of San Martin, whose glance would pierce you through in a moment. Bolivar's weather-beaten face tells you that he has not been idle. No man, I believe, has borne so much of the burden, or has toiled so hard in the heat of the day, in the cause of South American independence, as Bolivar. His labours in his own country are already crowned with nearly complete success; Colombia may be considered free and independent. According to all the accounts which reach us, the Congress of that country is going on with great steadiness.
The following, I conceive, is a very pleasing trait in Bolivar's character. When invited to come here, he replied, that he would very gladly come without a moment's delay, but that he could not allow himself to obey his feelings in the matter, as an article of the constitution of Colombia prohibits the President from going out of the state without leave from the Congress. From this circumstance, he said, and from a desire to give an example of subjection to the laws, he could not come until he should obtain leave. He accordingly wrote to the Congress for permission, and although, from the distance of the capital, he was long, in receiving an answer, and in the interval was urgently solicited from this quarter, yet he remained in Guayaquil until the permission from the Congress came, and immediately after sailed for this place. Since his arrival here, he has been chiefly occupied in military occupations, and in endeavouring to make an accommodation between the Congress and Riva Agüero. Everything has been done by him in this matter, and I am sorry to say without effect. The last remedy only remains, and it has been resorted to; Bolivar in person and 6,000 men have gone against him. I am told he is pretty confident of reducing him in a very short time, and that he expects to return in three or four weeks.
Lima is no longer that city of wealth it formerly was. The number of people who have been reduced from tolerably comfortable circumstances to poverty, is not a few. The affairs of our school suffer greatly from the present state of this place. The Government is very friendly towards us, and very desirous of giving us succour, but they cannot do what they wish, as this war rivets the attention of all, and devours all the resources. But the Lord reigneth, and all shall yet be well. The Congress has, for some months past, been busily occupied in framing a constitution for Peru, and which they have now brought to a close. A few days ago it was published, and it has since been sworn to with great formality by the members of Congress, the members of Government, and other public functionaries. It is very probable that this constitution will be translated into English, and published in London. You will, in that case, have an opportunity of seeing it, and of forming your opinion regarding its merits. When you have passed your judgment upon it, I shall be obliged to you to state particularly what that judgment is, in order that I may inform my friends here of the result. In this manner you may perhaps contribute to its improvement afterwards, as the opinions of foreigners upon the subject will, I am persuaded, have some weight.
To find a perfect constitution would be as difficult, perhaps, as to find a perfect man. The political constitutions of most countries might be altered for the better, I believe, especially on your side of the world. There is certainly a striking difference between the old world and the new in reference to these matters. You Europeans, generally speaking, may be compared to an old man, whose evil habits have grown up with him from the days of his ignorance and foolishness, but which he either cannot see, or seeing, is unwilling to correct. If you point out these to him, he gets impatient and angry, and then draws his sword, by dint of which he convinces you that he is in the right. We, on the other hand, who live in a new world, have new ideas, and, I may add, true ideas, upon these subjects. America may be compared to a young man just come of age, and inexperienced, but who is endeavouring to learn wisdom from seeing the stubbornness of old age on the one hand, and from the true principles of philosophy on the other. We are not fettered down by old habits, and we are endeavouring therefore, and I think with some success to look upon the subject of government philosophically, and as free as may be from the influence of prejudice.
The single object, I believe, of the rising states of South America is the forming such laws or constitutions as may truly secure the liberty and protection of every member of the political body, to the greatest degree possible. Political codes have been drawn up with this view, and all of them, I believe, have an article of great importance, namely, that the constitution shall be revised and improved from time to time, in order that it may move on towards perfection, as science and wisdom increase in the world. You will be saying to yourself, perhaps, that I am too favourable to my new friends, and you will be ready to produce against me the article upon religion as found in most of the constitutions of this southern continent. You are likely, I believe, to form an improper judgment of this country in reference to that article. You may be sure I feel the want upon this matter more than you do, but I endeavour to look upon the subject with as little prejudice as possible.
When toleration was obtained in England, it was wrung from the government, I may say, by main force. The safety of the state demanded it, and this I suppose had more weight in obtaining for us this precious blessing, than any qualms of conscience or political wisdom. Things are quite different here. There is nobody, I may say, who needs toleration, and of course nobody is asking it for himself. I speak of the inhabitants of America, exclusive of the few foreigners who reside in it. One of the members of Congress, at the time of discussing this subject, very pertinently said, "Why such ado about toleration? Who is asking for it? or who stands in need of it? We, ourselves, do not need any such thing, and foreigners, who are here, seem very little concerned about the subject. It was not religion that brought them to this country, but commerce. Give them money, therefore, in exchange for their goods, and they will seek nothing else." Now all this was very true, however unpalatable. Yet, notwithstanding the real state of the country in regard to the need of toleration, a very strong party exists in the Congress in favour of it; so strong indeed, that it was thought at one time that it would be gained; and when it was lost, a considerable number entered their protest upon the subject; the first of whom was an aged priest, and the head of the principal college in Lima. Now can you tell me when such things took place in any other country, and originating wholly from a philosophical view of the matter? Having seen these things take place, under my own eye, and having conversed with several members of Congress and others upon the subject, I feel confident in stating, that liberal views upon it are pretty general, at least in this city, and I believe that this evil will be removed from the Constitution ere long, perhaps at the first revival of it.
P.S.—Riva Agüero and his friends, are now prisoners, and his troops have returned to their duty.
[1] James Thomson. Letters on the Moral and Religious State of South America. (London: James Nisbet, 1827)., pp. 105-110.
[2] 1st September 1823.