James Diego Thomson

Brief Sketch - 1  South America

Tour in Yucatan:

together with

Brief Notices of Travels

in Buenos Ayres, Chile, Ecuador, N. Granada, Venezuela, Mexico, all the West Indian Islands, the United States, Canada, N. Brunswick and Nova Scotia:

By the Rev. James Thomson M.D. Agent of British and Foreign Bible Society, Member of the Royal Geographical Society of London and Corresponding Member of the Society of Arts, of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, and of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec.

 London:  John Murray, 50 Albermarle Street, l845.

[2][1]  Blank page

 [3]                                                           BRIEF SKETCH

 Being recently returned from Mexico and Yucatan, and having frequently been solicited to give to the Public some statements regarding my journeyings  and operations, over a large portion of the Western Hemisphere, during the last 26 years, I at length resolved on preparing a volume for the Press.

 But with so large a field before me, what place and things to select for one  volume, was a matter of some difficulty.  Upon fully considering the matter, I adopted the plan of giving a Journal of my last movements, namely in Yucatan, because of the recentness of my Tour in that country, and because of the little that is known of it.

 Thus resolving, and thus commencing, and pursuing my way for some distance, I found occasion frequently to allude to places and circumstances in my previous travels, this led me to see the need, if not the necessity, of mentioning seriatim the various places through which I had [4] moved in order that my references might be better understood by my readers and also that they might place more confidence in them, when they had seen that I had actually visited those parts to which I referred.

 In writing out this enumeration, I was led almost insensibly to say something about the places I named, and of my own occupation in them.  In this way arose The Brief Sketch here given, and to these circumstances my readers owe it, whatever may be its value, or defects. My Sketch with which I commence,  extends from my first setting out as a Traveller, down to my departure from the city of Mexico in the beginning of October l843 and my Journal commences then and there, goes from Mexico City to Veracruz, then across the Gulf of Mexico, over Yucatan, on to British Honduras, and from that to New York and England.[2]

 My Sketch, I could very easily, as to matter, have enlarged to ten times its present extent; and I may say also, that in my Journal, I have omitted to write much that I have itemed down in my Note Book; and I have likewise hurriedly noticed many things which I could willingly have extended upon. The Brief Space of Leisure which I have at command is my reason for thus acting.  Should the Public desire more notices of my travellings and operations, and should I have [5] leisure, and health for the same, I may yet write a little more.

 On the 12th of July in the year l8l8, I sailed from Liverpool, leaving for ever, as I then supposed, my native land. I well recollect, at this distance of time the last glimpse I had of this blessed country, and with consideration I call it blessed, for God has blessed it above all lands; and he has done so for its own welfare in the first instance and also that it might do good to all the countries of the earth.  Yes, I well recollect at the present moment, that last glimpse I had of the Land's End.  Farewell! said I, as [6] I withdrew my eyes from the lovely, but then to me saddened sight, or rather as it withdrew itself from these eyes till they could see it no more, farewell blessed land!  Remember thy privileges and improve them for thy own profit, and remember also to shine and give light to all nations.

 It was in order to fulfil in some humble degree, the second purpose here alluded to as the reason why God has so elevated our favoured country, namely, that it might prove the means of good to other portions of the world, it was in fulfillment of this object that I now left it, and without the hope of seeing it again, as I had purposed to spend and end my life in those places whither I now bent my way. In a few lines written on board on our starting from Liverpool, and to be sent ashore by the pilot, I quoted from memory the beautiful words of Young which here follow endeavouring to realise them in my departure:

 "With Abram's joy, thy call I follow

To the land unknown. I trust in Thee,

And know in whom I trust: or life

Or death is equal: neither weighs

All weight in this, O let me live to Thee."[3]

 These [7] lines were sent to the dearest of all the friends I have had and who is now no more.  My object in emigrating to a foreign land was to promote in it, as best I might, and as circumstances should direct the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, whose motto I may say is "Glory to God in the highest and on earth peace, good will toward men".  How I acted in pursuance of this object, what countries I visited and how I came to be again in my native country, contrary to the expectation I had when I first set out, I shall now detail, and with as much brevity as I well can.

 To the River Plate, and to the city of Buenos Ayres lying on that river, our ship was bound.  It was to in truth a "land unknown", and it was so then to most in England and to not a few still, I suppose, notwithstanding what has since here published amongst us [8] respecting it.  After a passage of 87 days we arrived in the place above named.

 The first portion of my time there was spent in acquiring the Spanish language, the prevailing language of the country as having been formerly till l8l0 a Spanish Colony.  During this time I got acquainted with some of our countrymen there, with some of the citizens of that Republic, with some individuals connected with the government, and with some of the Priests, and at the hands of all, I met with kindly treatment, and more or less encouragement.

 One of my first objects was, to get the Holy Scriptures introduced into the country.  I carried out no copies with me , as I was fearful as to the reception they might meet with.  When I had learned the state of things, and perceived, as I thought openings, I wrote to the British and Foreign Bible Society, with which I had established connexions previous to leaving England.  A supply of New Testaments was sent out and received.  This was the only part of the Scriptures then printed by the Society in the Spanish language. The Scriptures thus [9] brought into the country were allowed by the Authorities Civil and Ecclesiastical to be circulated freely in it without  let or impediment.  This I considered an era to these countries for hitherto the word of God was not among them, with the exception of the Priest's Latin copies or the voluminous and expensive Bible published in Spain of the translation of Father Scio. Thus did God enable me to accomplish in some degree one leading part of the general object I had in view.  This led to the printing of the whole Bible in Spanish for the good of these countries.  In the circulation of the copies of the Scriptures above referred to, and of other supplies afterwards received I never met with any hinderance, and it is my duty to mention this in honour of the liberal feeling and action of the authorities and people of Buenos Ayres, and not least of the Priests. 

 The next thing in which I was occupied was the establishment of schools on the plan of Bell and Lancaster, which system I had well studied in England, judging that in promoting this improved plan of Education, I might be able to forward my general purposes.  Applications [10] were made to the government and to the city authorities on this subject, with offers to put the public schools upon this system.  The latter, in conjunction with the former entered into my propositions and I was made Director of the Public Schools with a sufficient salary.  The city schools were first to be put into this new order and then those in other parts of the Province.  I commenced this labour under every encouragement from the parties mentioned.  A considerable difficulty presented itself, but it was overcome.  It was to remove those useless lessons, or worse, formerly used in the public schools, and to get lessons introduced consisting of extracts from the Holy Scriptures. I prepared such lessons as I wished to be introduced, extracting from the Old Testament and from the New such portions as I thought most  suited for the understanding and instruction of children.  On presenting this  to the Government, they were accepted and that without any ecclesiastical revision and were ordered to be printed at the government press and at the government expense and to be introduced into the Public Schools.  This I considered a very liberal act, considering that the Compiler was a Protestant and a Foreigner.

 The first school established on this new plan [11] was on the premises of the Franciscan Friars who readily lent a building for the purpose.  One of the magistrates opened the school, said some excellent things on the advantages, and extension and improvement of education, spoke of the new system now to be introduced as a better system in itself and calculated to facilitate general  instructions; and at the close, turning to me, said some things complimentary and told me to teach the children liberal principles, not meaning thereby irreligious views, but those opposed to narrowness and bigotry.  This same gentleman, in all my intercourse with him, showed the same disposition both towards the object in hand, and towards the individual entrusted with it.

 Our work continued and was extended but we were very much impeded by the continual wars of the country, the scene of which on different occasions was the city itself.

 Our new schools excited some interest in the country, and reports of them went also to other countries on this continent.  I paid a visit to Monte Video then under the Portuguese or Brazilian government.  My chief [12] communications there were with the principal ecclesiastic of the place, a very liberal and intelligent man, and arrangements were made for commencing the Monitorial System of education there, a teacher for that purpose to be sent from Buenos Ayres as soon as a fit one could be found.

  The Government of the Republic of Chile, heard of our schools and commissioned its Envoy in Buenos Ayres to treat with me to go there and establish the public schools of the country on the new plan. I engaged accordingly and went round Cape Horn, the Chilean Government agreeing to pay my passage, and to remunerate me while employed in this service.

 On my removing from Buenos Ayres I met with the same liberal and courteous treatment both from the government and city authorities, which I had experienced while employed there.  As a mark of kindly attention, I was favoured with all the proper documents making me a citizen of that Republic.

 When I arrived in Chile I was cordially welcomed by the Government and received every encouragement.  Schools were established on the improved plan.  The Scripture lessons here also [13] were accepted, printed anew by the government and ordered to be used in the public schools.  The Scriptures also were introduced into Chile, and freely circulated without any opposition or discouragement.

 During my stay in Chile, I crossed the Andes lying on the Eastward of that country, and forming its boundary there with Buenos Ayres.  Across these high mountains I carried copies of the word of God, and school lessons selected from the same.  I visited the towns of St. John and Mendoza lying near the base of the Andes, and the former to the North of the latter.  In both those places the Scriptures were received and arrangements were made for the establishment of schools similar to the other already mentioned.   I recrossed the Andes into Chile. I would observe that there is here only one ridge or cordillera, whilst in Peru there are two, hence the propriety of the expression Las Cordilleras de los Andes. Just about this time, Lima [14] the capital of Peru was taken by the Patriot Army, and wrested from the Spaniards, who some 300 years before, wrested it from its rightful owners and possessors. The identical standard of Pizarro under which Spain conquered now fell into the hands of the new conquerors, and when precisely the last niche of the hall in the Palace of Lima appropriated to the portraits of the Viceroys was filled, and there remained no room for another.

 One of the early acts of the new government in Peru was in favour of education, and in consequence of this, a message was sent me with an invitation to go there, with the offer of every encouragement, for the putting of the Public Schools on the Lancasterian Plan.

 I left Chile, having received there the same liberal treatment as in Buenos Ayres, having occupied the situation of Director of the Public Schools, and being naturalised, at leaving, a Chilean citizen.

 In Peru my reception and treatment were, if it well could be, more liberal and friendly still than in Buenos Ayres and Chile.  The Scriptures Lessons  I had formed were adopted, printed and used in the schools, and also the volume of the New Testament itself.  Here likewise were the Scriptures publicly sold, and without hinderances.

 The great body of the present population of Peru consists of the descendants of the Ancient Peruvians, and they speak their own tongue [15] down to this day.  A singular and wise policy was adopted and practised by that ancient American people.  At first there, as in all countries, the population was divided into small kingdoms, or perhaps more properly dukedoms as Palestine say.  At length a man of greater powers than common arose as the head, king or Duke of one of these parts, and he extended his dominion over many, and at length over them all.  The policy adopted, to which I have made reference, was, that every new portion brought into subjection was induced, if not compelled to learn and adopt the language of the conquering party.  This policy was acted upon as I understand, for the public good, and certainly it is a public good, and one also of considerable importance, that one language should prevail, and with all the uniformity possible, over the entire territory  under one and the same government. The Peruvians not only aimed at this, but accomplished it; and the testimonial of their policy, their efforts, and their success remains and is visible at this day,  in the general use of this ancient tongue over all the vast territory, forming the Peruvian Empire, as it existed when the Spaniard appeared. [16] It is due to the Ancient Peruvians to state this circumstance to their honour.  And of what other nation can we say this same, either of Ancient or of modern times?   I believe of none.  We might naturally look for it, as much at least as anywhere else, in the British Isles.  But there it is not, for we still speak, and to our shame, six languages.  If education had been attended to as it ought to have been, this hinderance to general welfare would not now be seen.  Look at France, look at Spain, form one uniform language in them and disappointment will be the result.  Try it elsewhere and anywhere else, and disappointment will again meet us.  I thus endeavour to exalt this wise policy of the Ancient Peruvians, and to make it better known than it is; and perhaps also some good may be done thereby among ourselves, and others in leading to a consideration of the subject and to efforts for lessening, and at length removing, the evil.  Into this Ancient Peruvian General Tongue, called the Quichua, the whole of the New Testament was translated, and the translator was a lineal descendant of the last King of Peru.

 Wars greatly prevailed during the two years [17] I remained in Peru.  Lima was taken twice by the Spaniards in the course of that time.  On the first occasion I fled along with many others.  In one afternoon, and I shall never forget the scene, l0,000 people left the city at once, and were seen in flight towards Callao to be there under the protection of the fort.  I formed one of this number.  Sometime after, the Spaniards evacuated the city, and I returned to it.  But again, some months afterwards it was taken again. I then remained in the city and was treated in a friendly manner by the Spanish General.  But the war continued so hot with the besiegers and the besieged that all kind of business were at a stand.  My work stood also, and I saw it to be my duty to leave the place, which accordingly I did.

 I went to the town of Guayaquil, lying on a River of the same name, and there disposed extensively of copies of the New Testament, by sale and at full price: No Bibles were then in my possession. I met with no hinderances but much encouragement in this distribution of the Scriptures. From thence I went Eastward  and crossed the Western Ridge of the Andes or as is called in Spanish, Cordillera, for here there are two Ridges of these grand mountains, and of about equal height, with a space or valley between of some 30 miles width.  I travelled along [18] this valley  northwards through Riobamba, Ambato, Latacunga, Quito, Otabalo, Pasto and Popayán.   In all these places I exposed the Scriptures for sale, and met with much encouragement in disposing of them.  I then crossed the Eastern Ridge of the Andes, passed through the towns of La Plata, Neiva, and others, and came to Bogota, the capital of what was then called Colombia.  Colombia however as a geographical name in South America no longer exists, for the territories that then composed it were afterwards divided into three distinct countries, and this subdivision still continues.  The name of these three are: Ecuador, Nueva Granada and Venezuela, having the capitals respectively, of Quito, Bogota and Caracas.  In Bogota a Bible Society was formed among a people entirely Roman Catholic, some of the chief persons in the government, in the colleges and in the Priesthood being present and advocating this measure.

 I left Bogotá, sailed [19] some hundreds of miles down the fine and large river called the Magdalena, and came to Carthagena.  There I found the English Packet, and took a passage in it for England, via Jamaica and which passage cost me Ninety Pounds Sterling, a high sum surely, and in a vessel sailed at the expense of the British Admiralty. I arrived in England on the 13 of July, l825, having been absent precisely seven years.  I will not say what sensations I felt when I trod again on English ground, but one of my feelings surely was, and it should have been the strongest, gratitude to God who had preserved me through these years in a large course of travelling and in the midst of not a few dangers of various kinds.

 [1] The figures in square brackets indicate the page number in the original manuscript.

[2] This is what Thomson planned, but in fact he did not complete the work. There are two main sections: the first summarises travels and events from July 1818 to May 1832; the Journal section begins on 26 October 1843 and ends on 9 November 1843--it also contains reminiscences of earlier events, and comments on culture, customs and geography. The Thomson archives also contain some jotted notes headed "Memoranda" of items he apparently planned to include in this work--see Appendix following 'Tour in Yucatan and Brief Sketch -2'. (BM)

[3] From Edward Young, Night Thoughts: Night IV. The Christian Triumph. (BM)

Brief Sketch - 2  Mexico and Canada

In February l827 I sailed from Falmouth for Veracruz in Mexico and hence went up to Mexico City the capital of the country.  I went out as the accredited agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society. I had married during my stay in England, and my wife went to Mexico with me.

 I carried large supplies of the Scriptures with me to Mexico namely 48 large cases being encouraged to do so by the circumstances of a favourable nature which had occurred during my seven years tour on the continent of South America.  I put these into the Booksellers Shops for public sale at the full price which they cost, and advertised them in the government and other newspapers.  In this manner I disposed [20] of large quantities of copies of the word of God, all classes seemed disposed to obtain the Sacred Book.  Not the least ready to buy were the Priests and the Monks of various orders.

 I then took a journey over the North West parts of Mexico, visiting the large towns in that quarter.  I took 28 large cases with me full of Bibles and Testaments when I set out and they were all disposed of in course of the journey. I then returned again to the city of Mexico, where Mrs. Thomson had remained during my journey.

 I waited there some time for the arrival of fresh supplies from England, all the supply I took out with me having been disposed of and all by sale, with scarcely an exception, and at full prices corresponding to their costs.

 Another supply of the Scriptures arrived, on which I undertook a new journey, and in a different direction.  I went Eastward on this occasion, through the towns of Puebla, Jalapa, Orizaba, Tehuacán and Oaxaca, besides other towns of an inferior name.  On this journey as on the former I publicly advertised, and publicly sold the Scriptures, both Bibles [21] and Testaments without meeting with any hinderances, but on the contrary meeting with many encouragements and not only from the people generally, but also from the priests and monks.  In the city of Oaxaca, for instance, I had a couple of rooms assigned me for lodgings, free of expense, by one the Canons, in his own house, with his recommendation of my work and myself in any occasion when such were required.

 I returned once more to Mexico.  The Scriptures had now been circulated extensively in that country, and although in this way the Gospel had not been preached to every creature, or inhabitant of the country, yet perhaps on the other hand, the following passage had been fulfilled, or at all events partially, in regard to Mexico, namely, "This Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations".

 This being done, Satan, who seemed hitherto to have been closely confined and hindered from impeding this work, was "loosed out of his prison", and went forth "to deceive" the ecclesiastical authorities in the diocese of Mexico the capital, and succeeded in inducing them to publish [22] an edict against this free circulation of the Scriptures in the country.  Friends however were not wanting to meet and opposed Satan on his own ground and cause in stopping the light of God from shining.  One the Canons resisted this effort of darkness on the part of his colleagues, and stood out against it to the last.  In proof of which he committed an act of disobedience and refused to sign the edict, saying it was contrary to his conscience to hinder the circulation of God's holy word.  Further, while the Ecclesiastical Authority thus acted against our Bible Cause, the Civil Authority of the State of Mexico, coextensive with the Diocese, stood up in our defence and  condemnation of the Edict in question.  The edict was read in the churches and our defence was read in the newspapers. Thus things stood and in the meantime our Books continued to be sold in the shops, and even to be hawked about the streets of Mexico before the eyes of the very Canons who had signed and issued the Edict against their sale and their use.

 But at length the Collector of the Customs in the city of Mexico under ecclesiastical [23] influences ventured to detain our Books in the Custom House.  I appealed to the Government against this illegal act, as I considered it to be.  I would have had redress as all things promised fair for it, but the political revolutions and continued agitations of the country and the changes of persons in the government, acted against this favourable result, and the redress sought for could not be obtained.  Under these circumstances, after waiting as long as prudence dictated, I left the country.  The Books and the cause were left in charge, not of an Englishman, or a Protestant, but in the hand of a Mexican Priest.  This gentleman afterwards succeeded in liberating the detained books, and after liberating them sold them all, consisting of many hundred of copies, of which accounts were duly forwarded to me.

 We, that is myself and my wife sailed from Veracruz in Mexico on the l9th of June  l830.  Our two dear children we left behind us in the land of the leal. We crossed the Gulf of Mexico in safety though our vessel was very nearly being foundered.  We entered the mouth of the great River Mississippi and at l00 miles up we landed [24] at New Orleans.  After a couple of days stay there we again embarked on the noble Mississippi went up to the entrance into it of the beautiful Ohio and then ascended that River to Louisville, where we left our New Orleans steamer after a residence in it of eleven days.  Hence we went to Cincinnati and Wheeling from which we crossed over to Lake Erie, sailed down it to Buffalo and then crossed over into Canada, and rested a couple of days in sight of the most sublime of all waterfalls, and perhaps of all sublimest sights, The Falls of Niagara.

 I was now again under the British Sceptre.  The sceptre of Mexico is not similar to it.  A similar one  however is that of the United States whatever may be the denomination of him who sways it. Thus thought and felt a British subject in a land where our own sceptre once swayed; and shall I say it?   Sways still.  Yes, though unacknowledged it still sways there, through its influences left, and hence the happy course these States have run during their hitherto short reign.  See Mexico on the other hand, and it Sister Nations, in the midst of all their disorders, revolutions and military rule under the name of Republics.  They plucked [25] the sceptre out of the hands of the king of Spain, but the Spanish sceptre sways there still and hence all their evils and their unfavourable position, compared with the United States, both under the same kind of government.  But as I said, the secret of it is, the British sceptre still sways in these United States; and long may it sway there, rather than any other of ancient or modern name; and I wish it with all my heart for that country's good in favour of our Sister Land.

 These are some of my views and some of my feelings with regard to "America", as this country with some impropriety  is called.

 I felt myself, as I said, in a land of Liberty when I arrived in the United States and so feel all British subjects, when in these States, and we both acknowledge and rejoice in their freedom; we feel kindly towards them nationally and speak kindly of them in this capacity, and as our Sister Nation.  I fear they do not reciprocate with us in this, they do not, I think, feel and speak of our nation at all as they ought to do.  They hardly acknowledge that we enjoy freedom at all, and do not rejoice in our national prosperity.

 [26] I do not exactly know what has led me just now to make these observations.  Perhaps it was the following little incident, which has thus become a great one.  In starting from Buffalo in the coach for "The Falls", we had in our company in the same vehicle some ladies of the States, and some gentlemen of the same.  At a short distance from Buffalo we crossed over into Canada.  This was the first time some, if not all, our American companions had been out of their own dear free land, and the first time they were within the dominions of Great Britain.  On our passing the boundary line, one of the gentleman remarked that we were now in Canada.  "Oh there", said one of the ladies, with some spirit and fire, "we must take care what  we say now, for we are in King George's Land."  Her impression no doubt was, that she was no longer in a land of freedom, but in a place where freedom of speech was not enjoyed.  In this she spoke, as she had been educated, at school, and in company and echoed the feelings of her country towards us.  I would not have remembered this perhaps, nor now have stated it, [27] had I not afterwards and often seen in my visits to the States the same sort of feeling manifested, and others similar, and rather worse than better.  [Committing an anachronism and writing not in July l830, when this incident occurred but now in London in l844, I would say, I have been much in the United States, not very long in time, but through many parts of them, for I have seen 23 out of the 26.  I am sorry to say that the impression first made on my mind by this lady's expression, as to American judgments and feelings regarding England and the English, has been deepened and extended by this increased intercourse.  They nourish these unpleasant and unprofitable feelings on their "Fourth of July" annually, on which occasion they repeat all the old and evil things about us, and teach and impress the youth with these unbrotherly feelings, and which they in their turn when they grow up to man and womanhood teach on this same commemoration day to their children, and thus the evil is perpetuated, if not also increased.] Now we the subdued, to our shame in management if not likewise [28] in action, we have the strongest reason for feeling sore on the subject, and therefore still to speak hard things of these American Rebels.  But do we?  Have we not forgotten and long long ago all this bygone matter, and liberated ourselves  from such unhallowed feelings and words?  Do we not even rejoice in their freedom at our expense? and is there not at least one case, probably more, when a British Envoy still clothed in his sovereign authority, has flung up his coronet at an American dinner and expressed his joy at his Sovereign and country's disgrace? To such an exhibition, I would say Ne quid nimis.

  But if they mastered us in war and management on the memorable occasion of their Independence: we have, I think mastered them in peace, inasmuch as we feel better and I say much better, towards them, than they do towards us.  "Why so tart my brother." Joseph's brethren could not speak peaceably to him; and we know the cause of it.  Let us not envy one another, but join together in blessed brotherhood and fellowship, for our own natural of good, and for the good of all the world, for surely we have the means of benefitting all the world to a very great extent by our principles and our practices.

 [29] I come back to The Falls; and they are indeed well styled of The Falls, from their greatness, grandness and sublimity, from the breadth and the width of the fall, from the immense mass of water  poured down, from the striking contrast between the comparative placidity of the waters above, and the majesty of the fall, and awful turbulence of the water below; and the whole effect is augmented by the evenness of the land and the whole country where they exist.  It is no ragged mountain tract, with steep declivities approaching to the perpendicular: but it is so even and unassuming, that when one looks across from a short distance back from the river, he sees the British side, and the American side, take the form of one plain, and resembling a beautifully wide field, leaving the observer without the slightest idea of a river being between.  And oh!  How do I wish that these two countries would ever be one in evenness, beauty and power; that like these same Falls they might attract the attention of all nations by their Moral Sublimities, and thus help to raise all nations more or less into the same.

 The Fall lie about equally distant from Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, and the waters there are a continuation of the great River St. Lawrence, a river which has a fair title to be a [30] candidate for the distinction of being the Greatest River in the World.

 From the Falls on to Lake Ontario, a distance of about 12 miles, the River St. Lawrence runs as it were in a deep ditch, of the depth of the water fall; and the sides of this ditch are well defined and precipitous.  On nearing Lake Ontario, we came to Queen's Heights, and Queen's Town. These heights explain the oddity of finding Niagara Falls in a plain. From this place, or rather from Lake Ontario itself, this immense river has formed its bed deep and distinct, and in the course of ages has eaten its way back to where it now is: and it is no doubt still moving backward, and will come some day, unless the last day intervene, to Lake Erie; and the day in which it reaches Lake Erie will be the last day to that lake, its waters will then issue out in an awful torrent, and the lake will disappear.

We crossed Ontario, and landed at York, the capital of Upper Canada, a small town to be the capital of so extensive a country.  [It has since however become Toronto, and a large city.]  I was now not only on British ground [31] but, I may say, on official ground also, in a land of Bible Societies, and all claiming kindred as children of the Great Bible Institution with which I had the happiness of being connected.

 The Society did not know that I was here, nor did I know myself when I entered the States that I should at all visit Canada on my way through them to England.  But when I reached the state of Ohio, I found that I would be immaterial whether I crossed from there direct Eastward to New York, or go to it by way of Canada.  Once in Canada, and the seat of filial Bible Societies, I thought that if the Society knew that I was there, they would wish me to spend some time in a course of brief visitation of the principal Bible Societies there.  Thus judging, and recognising with gratitude to God and to the Society, the agreeable position which I enjoyed, of having liberty to act according to the best of my own judgement, in the various circumstances in which I found myself, but still keeping rigidly to the leading rules of the Institution: thus viewing all the circumstances in which I was, I resolved to make such visitations of the Bible Societies in Canada, both Upper and Lower.  I acted accordingly, [32] and visited many of these Institutions, commencing at York before mentioned, and terminating at Quebec. 

 Particulars of these visitations in this brief sketch, I cannot stay to give.  I was gratified with the interest I saw taken in this truly good work by our friends in Canada, and I saw the largeness and the increasingness of the Bible field in that quarter, and how much attention and effort were required from us to supply emigrants and others with the scriptures in these new lands, and to keep up and increase a due Bible density among them, and more especially as viva voce religious instruction was scanty, owing to the great distances between farm and farm, and the fewness of the towns that had yet risen up.

 From my readings when a boy, from the position of my native village, and from the accounts I had heard of people going to Canada, I had in my mind, and up to the times of the present visit to this quarter, formed a very crude view, and a very unfavourable one, of the state of life and of comfort in this British Settlement. I now changed these views into definiteness on the one hand, and into favourableness on [33] the other.  I was truly taken by surprise on many occasions, and amused with myself for being so, when I found the people, so like ourselves, their dress like our own, and their houses, if not as solid, as pretty and as comfortable, and with that to find such a happy state of things, in the wellbeing, so far as worldly circumstances were concerned, of the whole population.  I pitied no longer the people who left home for abroad, and scarcity for plenty.   Nay, I wished for once at least that I were in possession of power that I might, so to speak, sentence people to this transportation, and that I were rich, that I might transport them at my own cost, and myself with them, to this land of promise, and of plenty.  That is I wished to compel by the influences of Truth and Kindness the poor and needy, not the guilty, to emigrate to Canada for their own good.  [Anachronising again a little, I would add, that on my arriving in England, I had some communications with Sir Robert Wilmot Horton, who before, and about that time, interested himself and much, and to his honour, for the poor, and in favour of emigration as a means of extensive relief.  I mentioned to him my views on this subject, [34] as to the desirableness of promoting and extending emigration to the country in question, and pointing out some things in the way of arrangement, so as to make the plan work better, for the poor, for England, and for Canada.] 

 I stay not now to item down these things either generally of particularly.  But as I have again to return to Canada in the course of this sketch of my journeys, I may perhaps on that occasion enter more into this matter.  In the mean time, I would state, that I am most decidedly in favour of such emigration, and that because of the good that would occur to all the parties and places concerned.  Further, I would add, and indeed as a consequence of what I have here said, that I have no sympathy with statements made in the House of Commons, and out of that house, as to the cruelty, as they are pleased in their ignorance to term it, of sending poor and necessitous people at home to Canada.  I would, if I could, send thousands of poor there, and also hundreds of those who are not poor.  But I will not extend, but delay further observations till afterwards.

 I left off at Quebec.  After my business in that [35] place was over, I returned to Montreal.  But I cannot help noticing here a most singular at least to me, and a most beautiful appearance of the Aurora Borealis which I had the pleasure of seeing on the night before I left Quebec.  A Bible Committee meeting had been held.  It was just closed, and we all left the room.  We moved together for a little, and there stood for a few minutes in an open space conversing, and about to bid each other good night, when our attention was attracted by the Aurora Borealis which began to play beautifully in the horizon, and presently it extended itself all around below, and still continuing its graceful motions.  We were admiring this delightful aspect of the heavens, when in a moment, to crown our surprise and delight, it started up to the zenith, and  from thence, as a centre, shot out  rays all round, and deep down in the sky, thus appearing as an immense star, covering nearly the whole heavens.  I have since seen, and often, the aurora borealis, and in these same northern climates, but never have I seen return this lovely night sun of Quebec.

In Montreal, among other persons we met with, and whose company we enjoyed, was one [36] of some, or rather of much celebrity.  It was Joseph Lancaster.  We two, Mrs Thomson and myself, paid Mr. Lancaster and his wife several visits, enjoying their tea, but more their conversation; and the remembrance of these meetings is still pleasant.  Besides the inventive faculty of Mr. Lancaster, which led him to devise, arrange, and establish the mode of teaching which goes by his name, there was, and more visibly in him a character of benevolent and social feeling  that was very gratifying to all who had the pleasure of hearing him in conversation.  But withal there was also to be seen in his descriptions of himself and his operations, a deficiency of discretion and restraining judgement, the want of which was the main cause of his unsettled life and his distresses.  How much a sound judgement is to be desired, and endeavoured after, and prayed for, as the well or ill being of our life greatly depends upon it.  In Mrs. Lancaster, were seen much sweet benevolence, sobriety, and subduedness of mind in resignation.  [In a subsequent return to Montreal I learned, with much grief, that this worthy man had been thrown down by carriages in crossing one of the [37] streets of New York and trodden to death!]

 From Montreal, crossing the St. Lawrence, and moving on 18 miles to St. John's, we embarked on Lake Champlain, on its northern end within the boundaries of Canada.  On the Lake we crossed the line of demarcation which separates the two countries, and which ought not perhaps ever have been, nor now in another sense to be, separated.  Leaving this great natural canal of Lake Champlain, we crossed over a small portion of land, and embarked in, and sailed through, Lake George, the most beautiful lake, for its scenery, I understand, in all the United States.  From our landing we went by coach to the famous Springs of Saratoga, and saw all the bustle of this watering place, with its ephemeral population.  Thence we pursued our way to Albany, the legislative capital or the great state of New York, of which the city of New York itself is the commercial capital, as also it is the commercial capital of the whole union.  To this city we passed on, swiftly gliding down the splendid Hudson, not splendid for its size, but for its position, and usefulness, and the beauty of some parts of its scenery.

Brief Sketch - 3    USA and England

[38] After viewing this fine and fast increasing city of New York, and having some time on hand, I paid a visit southwards to Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington.  From a boy I had read of the Plan of this city, and considered it the finest that was or could be;  and somehow I expected when I went there to see all this plan finally and fully filled up.  I cannot tell why I so reasoned as to build up the whole city in imagination according to this beautiful plan.  But so it was, and Oh the disappointment when I saw this far famed city.  What a straggling Cafranian crawl said I, is this, (when I first viewed it), as compared with what I thought it was!  This was one of the greatest disappointments I had ever met with as to the filling up what the mind had before imagined.  I was compensated however in some measure, by an interview with General Jackson, then the President of the United States, whose appearance and manner pleased me much, and I have still a very lively recollection of that interview.  I saw also in the palace, though I think this is not the name the President's house goes by,  Mr. van Buren; but he did not take with me nearly so much as did General Jackson.

 Having seen this city of Washington, and felt the disappointment mentioned, and afterwards reasoning on this subject personally, I have thought that it was a pity the device was formed of building a city to celebrate the Hero of their Independence.  There was Philadelphia a large and beautiful city, and at the time I might say the capital of the Union.  Why was not this city at once appreciated to commemorate the name and fame of Washington?  By changing the name of Philadelphia into Washington, the thing would have been done.  The present Washington will certainly never become a large city, and its straggling houses, with as many trees, do not raise but lower the idea of Washington.

 Before I leave General Jackson, I wish to say a word about the Battle of New Orleans, and the British Army there, and more particularly their leader General Packenham.  When I ascended the Mississippi, I read, from one or the books in the library on board of the steamer an account of this battle, General Packenham was there stated to have used for a watch or animating word to his soldiers in their attack on New Orleans "the two B's".  Booty being one of these, and I do not say what was the other, I thought it exceedingly unlike that this should be the case.  [Lately I have seen one of the British officers who was there, a man of all confidence, and who by no means approved of our management in that affair.  I questioned this gentleman very closely upon this subject, and he stated to me, as he has on his oath before God, that no such expression nor allusions were ever heard of, as one attributed to us.  I notice this the more as I have lately seen a statement in print in the United States repeating this scandal.]

 [39] The virtual election of Jackson to the Presidency by the people in 18__  and his rejection by the Congress, and the no commotion following did honour to the sense and stability of the country.  Again, the firm generalship of Jackson, and his arraignment before the congress, and the imposition on him of a fine, and his ready payment of the same, and all done in the midst of the greatest submission and order, do great honour to all parties, and dignify the country.  To me these things are more striking, having witnessed in Mexico and in the other Spanish American states, such disobedience to constitutions formed, such aspirations of one little general and another after power, and on the way to it treading down all law and regulation, and such and so many revolutions and disorders.  And the difference between the countries mentioned, is still I think greatly owing, not to different races of people, but to the different trainings of the respective parties, by the nations from which they sprang.

 Returning from Washington to New York, I then went Northward to Providence in Rhode Island, and Boston in Massachusetts.  The states in Union lying [40] to the north and east of the State of New York are called the Eastern or New England States.  Both terms are appropriate.  The first because they lie on the eastward not only of New York State, but geographically to the East of all the States.  The meridian of the city of New York, is very nearly the dividing line.  These Eastern States lie all and entirely to the East of this line; and the whole of the other states, with a very trifling exception lie westerly of it.  Again, the term New England is appropriate, for there is a much greater resemblance here to England, alike in the fields and the houses, as in the people, compared with other parts of the Union.  I have said that these States more nearly resemble England than do the other States in the Union.  But whether that is for the better of the worse I have not said.  Perhaps it would be invidious in me to decide this question.  I shall therefore let the New Englanders themselves decide it.  On which side they settle this question will soon be known to any person who may spend a few days in that quarter.  I am sure they will soon hear, and often too, very plain indications, if not statements, well manifesting their opinion of superiority over all states in the Union.

 The Eastern or New England States are, Connecticut, [41] Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine.  The inhabitants of these States are styled by the people in the other states, Yankees; not as a term of reproach, but of distinction. The New Englanders never quarrel with the application of this name to themselves; but on the contrary, one will frequently hear the expression "I am a Yankee", that is, I am not a New Yorker nor Virginian, but a native of New England.

 I noticed this the more, as this is not the sense in which we use the word Yankee in England.  We apply it to all the Americans throughout all the States in the Union.  We should correct this error, if we wish to speak here, and mean as they do there; and we may well follow them in this, as they have a better right to know the proper application than we have.

 But a word in passing as to this name, and as to the terms United States, and An American.  The name or designation United States is at least a very clumsy one, and though it may well enough express the sense, as it does, of a Union of different States, yet as a Name it is very defective.  Again it is a bad [42] noun to make an adjective from.  It is awkward to say "A United-States-Man", and hence it is never said.  The term "An American" is used instead.  But this is manifestly, if not rigidly incorrect, yet very unsuitable.  All the inhabitants of the Union are Americans, it is true.  But so also are the Mexicans, the Peruvians, and the Patagonians.  The Americans of the States do not like Yankee from us as applied to themselves generally; but they are in danger of having this term fixed on them by other nations, unless they early adopt a suitable name, of which they are entirely lacking at present.  America, and the Americans, were terms which suited well enough so long as Europe generally, Spain excepted, knew little of any other portions of the Western Hemisphere.  Now however the thing is different, when we have all been made acquainted with Mexico, Peru, Brazil, and three or four times as many more New Nations in those quarters.

 What would be the best way to arrange and settle this matter geographically, while yet there is time to do so?  I will venture two opinions upon this subject, and also indicate [43] which I think the preferable mode of adjustment, and fixture.

 First then, I would say, that when I first began to think of this geographical question, I thought the term Colombia might well have suited to designate the territories of the United States.  But when I saw that the Northern parts of the Continent of South America had adopted this word, I perceived that it could not then be applied to the States, and I felt as it were a regret that this term had not been taken by the nation in question in proper time, and thought also how they let the Spanish Americans get ahead of them in this, both as to them obtaining a suitable name, and likewise as to the honouring of Columbus, who has been more cheated out of his rights in this by Europe in general, than he was cheated by Spain out of those rights which she conceded to him by royal decree.

 Now however the case has become an open one again, and we may have a new election to the honourable name of Colombia.  I have said, some way back in this narrative that the geographical Colombia of the North of South America is no longer in [44] existence, the territories forming it having become three distinct nations, and none of them retaining the name of Colombia.  The United States then could now adopt it.

 But would that be the best general geographical arrangement?  All the geographical and literary world are interested in this question and must look to the geographical balance, as Europe does with its power.  I now propose my second view of this subject as promised.  It is too much for the United States to enjoy the distinctive honour of the name of the Great Discoverer.  And again it is unfair to Columbus to put him off thus, like Spain, with a part only of his rights, instead of conferring on him his due, even the whole of the Western World, North and South, which he discovered.

 My opinion is decidedly in favour of calling the whole New World Colombia.  North Colombia and South Colombia would be terms suitable enough for the Northern and Southern continents, in the same manner as North and South America are used now.  But perhaps Colombia North, and Colombia South, would be a better way of arranging the words, and probably this is the more called for by the change, in order to have clearer views.

 But what shall we do with the United States, [45] or States, as I have, for shortness, two or three times called them, and correctly enough, for such an abbreviation is in frequent use?  What shall the geographical conclave which may sit on this question decide on this point?

 I would say, let the country be called America, and the people Americans as heretofore. This would be the easiest way of doing things, and there would be no change.  The term United States of course should then be entirely dropped. There would in this case in the application of America and Americans, be no appropriation of the rights of others as our new nomenclature would prevent this.  It is an unjust appropriation at present, but it would not be so after fixing the word Colombia to the whole of the Western Hemisphere.

 I see Arrowsmith in his map of South America dated London 15th February 1834 very properly divides the former Colombia into the three Nations I have mentioned.  But he has also retained the word Colombia, and spread its letters over all three Nations.  This indicates that the word and name are still retained, which is not the case.

 And what shall we do next and lastly with the West Indies?  Shall we retain that awkward, [46] and very inappropriate name?  I think we should not.  The word Antilles now partially in use for these Islands ought, I would propose, to be exclusively adopted; and the word Antillians would correspond well to it.  The subdivision of the Antilles should be the Windward Antilles, and the Leeward Antilles.  In the former term I would include all the Eastern Islands as far as Porto Rico, and put into the other division Porto Rico, and all West of it. The words Windward and Leeward as now used are incorrect.  It is true the Leeward Island are somewhat Westerly of what are called the Windward Islands.  But then, from the word Leeward are excluded, the still more Leeward islands of Porto Rico, Hayti, Cuba, and Jamaica.  The terms Greater and Lesser Antilles would suit; the four I have just named being greater, and those denominated Windward Islands, in the proposed new arrangement, being the Lesser Antilles.  But this denomination has the defect that we should exclude from the term Lesser Antilles all the small Islands around and West of Porto Rico, many of which by and by will very likely rise into some importance.  And we ought to recollect that the Island of Pinos lying on the South of the West end of Cuba is larger than any of what I have here denominated the Windward Islands, with the exception of Trinidad.

 The waters extending from a line drawn across from Cape Catoche in Yucatan to Cape San Antonio in Cuba, and bounded on the North by the Greater Antilles, and on the South by the Northern Coast of South America, and extending as far as the Windward Islands, form the Caribbean Sea.  This requires to be noticed, as some writers speak of these waters as part of the Gulf of Mexico.  This I have observed very lately in one of the most respectable London Weekly newspapers.  The Gulf of Mexico is very distinctly circumscribed.  It extends from the line above mentioned, and carries on to the Southern point of Florida.  All west of this line is the Gulf of Mexico.

 [47] I have only one thing more to say about Geographical names in these quarters.  It is as respects Hayti, formerly called St. Domingo.  The word Hayti ought to be fixed to this Island, and the other two names should be entirely dropped.  Further, in the Eastern or Spanish part of this Island there is a city, and one which once was the law capital of all Spanish America.  This city is generally written St. or Saint Domingo.  St. or Saint is an English word, and Domingo is a Spanish word.  They should be equalised by being both written in English, or both in Spanish.  If we keep the Spanish Domingo, which, I suppose, is best, then we must before it Santo.  The general Spanish word for Saint is San, but there are three Saints that they distinguish above all others, for reasons best known to themselves.  In these excepted cases from the general rule, they add to to the San, and make it Santo.  We should therefore write and say in this case Santo Domingo.

 I do not know whether any apology is due from me for these geographical remarks here in this part of my narrative.  But I intended to mention them some where, and having accidentally perhaps started the subject here, I thought it best also to pursue it and finish it.

 [48] Having returned from Boston to New York, I prepared to sail for England, along with some friends from Canada agreeably to arrangements previously made, that we should sail on the 16th of October, which was considered the most favourable season.  In New York, I met unexpectedly with Mr. Henderson the British Consul General of Colombia whose residence was the capital of that country, Bogota.  He was returning to England with all his family.  I was glad to meet with this gentleman and his family, as I had lodged in his house during my stay of three months in Bogota, and had received much kindness at their hands.  We all resolved to sail in the same vessel for England.  It was a new ship that had never been before at sea, and called, as well suited English people, The Sovereign.  She was a fine vessel of about 500 tons, built upon the best American plan, and having very comfortable accommodations for passengers, and moreover the captain was well known as a person very attentive to his passengers, and who having been long in their trade, knew his path across the Atlantic as one does a common highway, and the coasts and ports near both ends of his voyage, as one knows his own fields and gates.  The cost of the passage was 140 dollars, all thing included; [49] but only 100 was asked from me when I inquired at the office in order to pay.  It seems a kind friend, had previously spoken to the owners, and unknown to me, stating that I was employed in the circulation of the Holy Scriptures.  This kind friend, it is due, that I should name.  It was the Rev. Dr. Patton one of the Presbyterian Ministers of New York.

 We sailed.  Contrary winds for about eight days made our progress slow.  The winds improved, but presently, there came upon us a dreadful storm.  It blew hard all that day, but about seven at night it increased to a hurricane.  We prayed for protection and relief unto him who made the winds and the waves, and through the  merits of him who once had trod our earth and sailed on this world's waters, and at his word made the winds and the waves be still.  Some Jews who were with us, and who previously had shown little signs of fearing God, were glad to join with us.  The storm continued to rage unabated till about half past ten.  At twelve the storm was over and gone, we had a good measure of sail set, and with a fair and comfortable wind were delightfully pursuing our voyage towards England, [50] with better prospects of soon arriving there than we had had during the former parts of our course.

 I am not going to say that this sudden and happy change of the weather was a miracle and that the same was granted to our prayers.  It is our duty under every distress and danger to make our supplications to God for protection and relief, and in our prayers we are to look up for an answer.  But how God will answer our prayers we know not, but unquestionably we shall never pray in vain.  As to our present case, we had great reason to render thanksgivings to God for our safety, and for our succeedingly prosperous voyage; and we did so give thanks; all bowing before the Lord together.

 The nature of this storm I understood better afterwards, from a residence of several years in the West Indies, sailing frequently among its Islands, and studying more particularly the meteorological phenomena and theory of storms.  Since these movements in the West Indies thus referred to, and the study of the winds there, a work has been published on this very subject, a long neglected one, but one of considerable consequence in many points of view.  The work is entitled, "An Attempt to develop [51] the Law of Storms".  By Lieut. Colonel W. Reid G.B., F.R.S. second edition, published by John Weale, London, 1841.  The theory advanced by this work, and which to illustrate and prove Facts are adduced, is, that all storms are whirls of the air more or less rapid, and with a greater or less extent of diameter, the entire whirling body itself moving onwards but only at a very moderate rate, and not at all amounting to the strength of a storm.  This is precisely the view I had formed on the subject of hurricanes from my observations made in the West Indies.  I recommend this work of Col. Reid's to all who would wish to enter into this scientific and practical subject.  Our storm to which I have alluded was no doubt one of these whirls. In the gradual moving forward of the whirling body it had come upon us, or it might be we came upon it.  We must have entered the edge of the whirl and kept in it until the body moving forward passed us.  Had we sailed through the circle or whirl we must have had the wind first one way, and then after a sort of calm have had it, and equally strong, blowing from the opposite quarter.  All hurricanes and tornadoes are visibly of this nature, and there is [52] no such thing, perhaps, as a violent storm consisting of a broad extended belt of wind moving  right onward parallel to itself.

 On the morning of the sixth of November 1830 at four o'clock a pilot came on board of us, off the Needles.  The wind was blowing a gale, and the captain with all his knowledge of the place would not have gone through with the winds so high.  The pilot however had no fear, and took us right through.  The scene was grand, thus passing through this narrow passage at the bottom of such  precipices, and with a high wind and sea.

 We cast anchor in Portsmouth harbour, and in a very agitated sea.  We soon after landed, and set foot once more on our native soil, and again giving a special thanks to God for his merciful preservations over this absence of three years and eight months.  We proceeded forthwith to London whilst the vessel went round to the Thames to enter the London dock. 

Brief Sketch - 4   Caribbean

After a stay in England of ten months, I set out again from my native land for the third time.  The West Indies was my destination, and my objects there were to circulate the Holy Scriptures, and to form auxiliary Bible Societies [53] in these islands, to aid in this general object.  It was proposed by the Society that I should spend a year in this visitation, and that I should include in my course all the British Islands, and as many of the foreign ones too as might be practicable.  It was judged most prudent, that Mrs. Thomson should remain at home, as my movements were expected to be rapid, and the means of conveyance were considered neither certain or comfortable.  It is due to her to say, that she would have most willingly have gone out with me, and shared all my dangers and discomforts.  Still it was better that she should remain at home, or at least till I should see the nature of the work I was undertaking, and the nature of the conveyances from island to island.

 A visit to the West Indies at this period was rather a delicate business.  The slave question was in fervent agitation, and every body more or less concerned in religious missions, was suspected to be connected in some way and degree with the Slave Abolition Society.  I ran my risks in this case, not in the way of personal danger, but as to suspicions and hinderances in the work I had on hand.  Strong statements were made to me before I started, [54] as to the determined opposition of the Planters in regard to the meddling  with the slaves either in the way of general or religious instruction.

I was asked at the Bible Society House how many copies of the Scriptures I wished to take with me.  I said 5000.  And what will the Planters say, was the reply, when they see you come with such a large quantity of Bibles?  I noticed in return that I would adventure this number, come what might.  This supply I accordingly had packed up for me.

 It was at first purposed that I should sail for Barbados, and make my entrance there on this course of visitations.  I was however diverted from this, and led instead to go first to the Island of Antigua.  An apparently accidental circumstance led to this. Mr. Oldfield one of the Bible Society Committee had about this time a vessel going to Antigua, and he offered to abate my passage money by the whole amount of the part falling to the owners.  This was by far the greater part; and this advantage decided as to the spot I should first visit.  This apparently accidental diversion of my course turned out to be a truly providential [55] one as to the work I had on hand.

 On the 19th of October I embarked at Gravesend, encompassed by circumstances, and possessed with feelings, that cast me down.  But my duty was plain, God had been very gracious to me in former voyages and wanderings, and trusting that he would yet repeat his mercies, I committed my way to him, and endeavoured to be cheerful.  At the Downs we lay windbound for a week.  We then reached Portsmouth, and lay there ten days more.  Finally three weeks after starting, we sailed through the Needles, and in three days were out of sight of all land.  A third time I thus left this happy island, but in this case with the hope and intention of again seeing it, and now leaving behind one relative more than in former instances namely, an affectionate wife.  But if I had intentions and hopes as to my return, I had also fears, and too good reason for them.  To encounter the West Indies climate, and all the climates of the various Islands, was calculated to damp hopes and prospects of a happy returning.  The circumstances that occurred whilst I was endeavouring to effect a life assurance, [56] previous to starting sufficiently indicated the kind of gauntlet I was about to run.  I found it extremely difficult to procure this insurance in any of  the many offices in London to which I applied.  The Asylum in  which I had been assured when I went out to Mexico, made so many   distinctions as to the various ports in the West Indies, laying heavy rates according to the greater unhealthiness of this and that place, and further must needs oblige me to name all the places I would visit, which I could not do, in short the matter was so involved and charges so high were made that we could come to no agreement.  I was now without hopes, but was relieved by the kind interposition of Mr. Rogers chairman of the Union Assurance Office.  At a meeting of the directors held on purpose, I was asked what places I would visit.  I told them what was my intention, but that I must have leave to go to any and every place in those quarters.  They consulted, called me in, and said "You shall have liberty to go anywhere, except to the bottom of the ocean."  I well recollect the [57] expression used on this occasion.  I thanked them, and very sincerely, for the insurance they thus enabled me to effect, and for the absence of embarrassments as to the places to which I must go, adding that my wish, as little as theirs, was to go to the place excepted.  And what did this insurance and leave cost?  Per centium on a seven year term:  £9:10:8, another clear proof of the danger in this.  For a residence in England at the time, it would have cost only £2:0:8.  Still I was glad to obtain this object, in order that my wife might not be in want, as well as widowhood, should my life be lost in this enterprise. .[1]

 I have noticed this subject the more particularly, because of its bearings on the general impression entertained in England as to the climate of the West Indies.  The same impression we saw before in reference to the Insurance effected in 1827 on my going out to Mexico as noticed at page.  I may here state in the way of anticipation that I spent seven years in the West Indies instead of one as at first projected.  In noticing [58] circumstances towards the close of the period indicated, I shall say something about the West Indies climate, or rather climates, for there are differences in different Islands, and parts of Islands; and I shall then take occasion to state whether the English opinion and impression be just or otherwise, and to what extent.

 After getting fairly out to sea and beyond the sight of land, as before stated, we had a favourable breeze and good weather for about ten days.  This brought us to within 100 miles or thereby of the Azores or Western Islands.  Here we began to indulge in the hope that we might by and by fall in with some of the fishing boats from that Island, and pick up some oranges and other fresh and delicious fruits.  But it was far otherwise with us.  The wind rose, and increased into a violent gale, and blew right against us.  All we could do was to keep a scrap of sail up to steady the vessel, and allow ourselves to be drifted backwards.  This gale came upon us at night.  In  the morning and over the following day the wind fell somewhat.  But [59] again in the night it increased, and blew, as before, a hurricane.  This alternation of violent winds, and a degree of moderation continued diurnally, with some variety for three weeks, at the end of which time we were considerably distant in arrears from where we were when the storm commenced.  The sea was mountains high during all this time, and our danger was great.  We passengers were all cooped up below, and the hatches were nailed down upon us, and opened only at those morning and foreday intervals whilst some food was let down to us, and with all watching lest the great wave should sweep over the vessel, and enter our cabin.  I never before encountered a storm as heavy, combined with such a continuance.  On going round Cape Horn we had some frightful weather, but it did not last more than two days at a time.  The Almighty protected us, on the present occasion, and we escaped; and I praise and bless his name for this, and for the many preservations I have experienced on the great oceans.

 On the 27th of December our Captain [60] intimated to us, that next morning about daylight, we might expect to see land, and that land the Island of Antigua.  The fact of such a confident announcement at the close of the seven weeks' sailing without seeing any land, speaks volumes as to the present state of navigation; and the mighty changes and improvements that have taken place in this science and art should fill all thinking and devout minds with gratitude and thanksgiving for these general means of good to mankind, which like every good and perfect gift, come to us from the Father of Lights, the source and essence of all wisdom and knowledge.  The world, generally speaking, is unthinking and unthankful.  But Christians should be otherwise, nor should they think such matters below their spiritual observation, for we are to give thanks always for all things unto God through our Lord Jesus Christ.  And since we are to do good unto all men as we have opportunity, surely we should rejoice in every good that comes to mankind.  Thomson, in his Seasons, finally says that the good man tastes the joy of God to see a happy world. 

 Next morning accordingly, and at daylight, we saw the land that was announced [61] to us the day before, and in the afternoon we attained to it, and landed.  Seven weeks we had been out at sea, and ten weeks was the whole length of the voyage.

A gentleman of good or rather superior standing in the Island, came on board sometime before we reached the port, in order to see some of his friends who came as passengers in our vessel.  Others also accompanied him.  During the conversations of this gentleman and his friends I was not a little surprised, and greatly pleased, to hear them speak of the examination of large schools at Christmas, consisting solely of negro, that is, slave children.  I had been informed in London that no such schools existed as to slave children, although my information said there might be schools of negro children, but these they said were not slaves.  I made special inquiry as to this distinction, and was assured that all these were the children of slaves, and that the said children were themselves slaves.  This gentleman, not only mentioned these schools in St. John's the capital of the Island, but also schools for slave children on estates, and among others on the estate where he [62] himself resided.  This school he invited me to come and see, and at the same time he said he would be glad if I should preach to his slaves.  These schools, and finally this invitation to preach all indicated something and much so different from what I had been informed of, or expected to find, that I was filled with a combination of wonder and doubt.

 During the first few days I was in the Island all these doubts were removed, whilst on the other hand the wonder was increased, and that considerably, and was accompanied with real satisfaction.  I found that several schools existed in St John's for the instruction of slave children, and that they were numerously attended.  I went from school to school, and saw all with my own eyes.  I put questions from place to place as to the children being actually slaves, and found they  were so in the great mass, whilst a few other black children who were free were their fellow scholars, a circumstance which added to my satisfaction in seeing the slave and the free children thus associated in brotherhood together.

 These schools were connected with the [63] Parish Church, with the Moravians, and the Wesleyans, all of whom deserved praise, having duly merited the same by their labours in favour of slave children.  I should not forget to say that there were many adult slaves in the Sunday Schools.

 In the places of worship connected with the three bodies referred to, crowds of people assembled on the Sundays for worship.  In the Parish Church a large body of the audience consisted of the whites and other free inhabitants of the place, whilst also a large number of slaves attended.  In the Wesleyan chapel the free people were fewer, and the slave portion greater.  But the Moravian church was properly the slave church, as few else were found there, and the assemblage was greater, and exceeds that in the other places of worship mentioned. 

 I had understood that Sunday was the weekly market day in all the West India Islands.  So it had been here, but so it was no longer.  This blessed change and reform had taken place only a few years ago.  But not only was the market done away with here, but also had [64] ceased the profanation and general neglect of the Sabbath.  I have already stated that the churches were crowded on Sunday, but further there reigned in the streets a quietous sobriety and order equal to any village in Scotland.  I walked the streets through and over in different parts of the town, and what I have now stated is the result of my observations as to the keeping of this sacred day. 

 I subsequently moved through the Island a good deal, and saw as I moved from place to place the same state of things as to church going, and schools, and keeping holy the Sabbath that I have described.

 The Island of Antigua is the oasis of the West Indies.  At an early period it had been favoured with religious and moral benefits above all its fellow colonies.  The Moravians have been the honoured and chief religious instructors of the slaves of this favoured Island, and more than one half of the entire slave population was at this time under their care.  The Wesleyans came next as honoured instruments of doing good to this place.

 [65] The third means of good to Antigua are the clergy of the established church.  I have spoken of these three bodies in the order of their usefulness: but all three were at the period referred to very actively employed in praiseworthy, useful, and successful labours for the good of these slaves; and it is gratifying to be able to state that they were greatly encouraged, by the Planters, and the authorities of the Island.

 There had been a Bible Society in this island for a number of years, as Auxiliary to the British and Foreign Bible Society. But from various causes it had at that time of my visit ceased to exist.  My first care was to get this Bible Society again on its feet, and this was accomplished.  The governor, Sir Patrick Ross, and several of the leading men in the island gave us their sanction and their support. Having been gratified with the re-establishment of this Bible Society, I was about to leave Antigua for Guadaloupe.  But the Rev. Mr. Gilbert and Mrs. Gilbert, at whose house I passed the night following our Bible Society Meeting and Installation, were [66] very desirous that I should make some attempt to form a Bible Association among the Slaves.  This appeared to me a hopeless concern, and on that account, and also on account of the long West India Tour that lay before me, and on  which I had just commenced, I was unwilling to give my attention to this object.  My much esteemed friends however were urgent in their requests, and thought our efforts would not be in vain in this way.  I at length gave way to their solicitations, and a meeting was planned.  It was to be held in the chapel erected on the Estate, called by the family name of Gilberts', and in which weekly the Gospel of Jesus Christ was faithfully preached.  The notice given was short, it was communicated at 10 o'clock in the morning, and for the evening of the same day.  But it was sufficient.  In the evening some 500 slaves assembled full of interest to hear about the Bible and the Bible Society.  Never shall I forget that meeting.  It was full of interest, and was the commencement of a train of operations of a very encouraging nature.  I addressed [67] this interesting assembly upon the subject that had brought us together.  Mr. Gilbert and others followed.  The poor slaves listened with close attention, being all eye and all ear at every thing that was said to them.  They readily complied with our exhortation to form themselves into a Bible association, for supplying themselves in the first instance with the holy Scriptures, and then afterwards to aid in supplying others with the sacred book.  At the close of the meeting, great numbers had their names put down as subscribers to this association, and for sums of different amounts, but nearly all of them high considering their abilities.

 Thus was formed our first Bible Association among the slaves of the West Indies.  We few whites who were there were highly gratified with what we had seen.  One of the gentleman present then invited us to go to his Estate next evening, and try what we could do there in the same way.  We went, had a fine audience of slaves, who like their fellows on the preceding evening, eagerly listened to all that was addressed to [68] them, and followed their example also in forming themselves into a Bible Association.  This was our second Slave Bible Institution.  Another opportunity offered for a third meeting, and the same happy results were witnessed.  A fourth followed, a fifth, and on to a twentieth.  We could have proceeded further, but we thought enough was done to give this new thing a trial.  It   is due to say, that in all these meetings we had the leave, and the full concurrence and in many cases the help of the Proprietors and Managers of Estates.

 To bring the occurrences of this Island in the way of Bible work to others notwithstanding the intervening time,  I would observe that I returned to Antigua about a year afterwards.  On my return, I found that the Slave Bible Associations that had been formed wrought wonderfully, and passing what could well have been expected.  Encouraged by this we began our work anew, and extended our Bible Associations to 20 more, thus working in 40 Slave Bible Societies in the Island.  I would most willingly detain myself and my reader in this Island, to show [69] him all the good that is in it, and  also to show him faithfully the evils that still remained at the time of my visits.  But the Brief Sketch on which I am engaged warns me that I am already transgressing my proper limits.  I have a good deal written in full detail on these subjects, but know not yet whether I shall ever be able to bring my notices before the public.

 With these observations I shall conclude, and leave this Island.  My first is in reference to the main agitating question which was uppermost in the community at the period mentioned.  It was not the slave and no-slave question, but the question as to the Rights or Wrongs rather of the Coloured of Brown portion of the population, including all on the one side who had any African blood in them mixed with more or less whiteness, and also Free Blacks; but on the other side excluding all slaves.  These people had not the political and municipal rights which the whites enjoyed, and being themselves free they thought they ought to participate in the rights and honours of all British Freemen. [70] Those who were in possession of these rights refused to allow the others to share with them.  Hence the contest:  and much was the agitation on the subject.  This was afterwards, and at no distant period settled by the Justice of the British Parliament in favour of the complainants as was most due in every sense.  But the poor slave had a heavier case of wrong to be settled.  He could not plead for himself, and even those who were warmly alive to the want of Rights for themselves, thought in general but little of the wrongs endured by the slave, who ought to have had the British Privilege of Freedom because he trod the British ground.  This case also has been righted, and blessed be God for the same.  It was a shame for Free Britain ever to hold slaves in any part of her dominions. The guilt at length was acknowledged, and a fine was paid down in witness of Repentance and Reformation.

 My Second observation is in reference to the singular favour bestowed on this Island of Antigua, and on it alone, of all these British West India Islands.  In the [71] Emancipation Act, six years of apprenticeship, or say half slavery, were included.  But from this modified slavery, and protracted liberty, Antigua was exempted. The slaves there were made fully free at once without any apprenticeship.  In this Island God had been honoured more than in any of the others.  Those who honour God, he will honour, and Antigua was singularly honoured in this case.  I will not say how far the ready accedence of the slaves to our Bible propositions, and their honourable labours in this cause, entered into account in their favour;  but I cannot help thinking that it was a prominent part, and a recent one, of the honouring of God in that Island, and hence weighed in their favour.

My third and last observation is in regard to the many schools in the Island  for the instruction of the slaves.  There was a lovely feature in these schools  which gave them an interest over other schools, for all schools form a pleasing sight.  The feature I allude to is that the object acknowledged on all hands by words and by deeds was, to be able to read the [72] holy word of God.  New Testament and Bible, as a consequence, formed the School Books, and no others were seen except the small initiatory book of letters and syllables.  I am not against the use of other reading books in schools, besides those mentioned; still it is a delightful thing to read, namely to peruse and acquire knowledge of the sacred volume.

 Previous to my leaving Antigua after the formation of the 20 Bible Associations among the slaves, I had, in an interval, paid a visit to St. Christopher's, or as it is more generally called in speaking, St. Kitts;  and also I visited Nevis and Montserrat. In these Islands Bible Societies were formed as Auxiliaries to our Society in London, among the white and  other free population of these places.  Something likewise was done there, though not at that time but on a subsequent visit, in the formation of Slave Bible Associations.

 The Religious labours of the Moravians, [73] of the Wesleyans, and of the Church of England were very visible in St. Kitts, and of the two latter bodies also, not the first mentioned, in Nevis and Montserrat.  I saw here some symptoms of Sectarianism, which I had rather not seen, for its sight is disagreeable to me at all times, and in all places.  It was on the part of the Church of England, and it appeared there with little grace.  The Moravians and the Wesleyans had commenced and greatly extended religious instruction in St. Kitts, the place I am referring to, before the Church of England awoke from her deep slumber in the West Indies.  But yet when the clergy began to enter on this missionary field, they would complain on the sectaries as they called them intruding in their parishes.  And who were the Sectaries in the case, and who were they who intruded into other men's labours?  I do not blame all the clergy in this, but I blame some of them.

 Schools also were to be found in these three Islands, and all presenting the beautiful spectacle I before alluded to, namely, all were at school for one purpose, to qualify themselves to read and study God's holy word. [74] But there was one school in particular that drew my attention, and in the smaller Island of the three, namely, in Nevis.  It was an Infant School of Slave children, consisting of about 80 in number; and it was established and supported by Mrs. Ames of Bath, on an estate belonging to her, or to some of her relatives.  It is highly creditable to this lady to have established such a school, and it is my duty here to record the circumstances, and her name.  I render honour to whom honour is due.

 In St. Kitts, I was much interested with a meeting of the Wesleyan Missionaries from different Islands in Annual Conference.  There were 17 of them, and they were from ten different Islands.  These were, Dominica, Antigua, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Kitts, St Eustatius, St. Bartholomew, St Martin, Anguilla and Tortola.  I was truly gratified and profited by communications with these worthy men and faithful labourers in the Missionary Field.  The accounts they gave me of their operations and success were very gratifying, and the information I [75] obtained from them was of great service to me in my immediate pursuits.  Some of the Islands named lying on the North of us, I judged, from the information received, it would not be necessary for me to visit.  But the Missionaries of these Islands promised on their return to do the best they could in furtherance of our common object, and I was enabled to supply them with copies of the Scriptures for circulation in their respective places.

 On Monday the 16th of April 1832 I landed in the French Island of Guadaloupe.  I came, I thought, under favourable circumstances to this Foreign Island, as I brought a letter to the Governor from Sir Patrick Ross.  I presented myself and my letter to His Excellency, and begged his order, which I had learned was necessary, for taking out of the Custom House the two cases of French Bibles and Testaments which I had brought with me.  This however he refused, on the principles of the law of the Island, and as I thought from another principle also, for he talked of their being all of une religion unique in the Island, which unique he seemed very unwilling to disturb, and he added further some things [76] about the   evil of religious differences in France.  The law of the Island in question was, that no goods could be landed in the place unless of French manufacture, and further said goods, in order to be received, must come in a French ship.  Now my Books were, though in the French language, manufactured, alias printed, in England, and on English made paper.  Besides they came like myself in an English vessel.  In strict law therefore I could not pass my Books through the Custom House.  But the Governor had a discretionary power in these matters, and might if he had chosen, removed the objection: and this I thought he might have done in consideration of the quality of the goods in question, and in deference to the introduction I had from his brother governor of Antigua.  I tried his Excellency in all the ways I could, but I failed of success.

 Nevertheless, by these communications with the Governor, I got a key to direct me as to future operations.  I learned that if my goods had been manufactured in France, and brought in a French ship, no obstacles would be in the way as to their entrance and sale.  I accordingly formed my arrangement to write to the Society to send to this island, and in [77] a French ship, Bibles and Testaments printed in France.

 But the chief town in the Island as to population is, not Basseterre where I now was, but Pointe á Pitre in a distant part of the Island.  My business was now to seek out for a Bookseller, who would receive the Books when they came, and during my absence, and who would use means for their sale.  Pointe á Pitre I thought was the best place for this, and I accordingly arranged for visiting that town.  There was another reason for my visiting Pointe á Pitre, and one all powerful in itself.  My next Island in the course of my visitation was Dominica.  In Basseterre there was no vessel for that Island, but I was assured that I could easily to get a passage from Pointe á Pitre.

 In the mean time I made inquiry about a Bookseller who might receive my books when they came, and in my absence.  I was fortunate enough to find such a one, and the Books were directed to be consigned to him.  About a year ago I returned to this Island, and found the Books arrived, in the Bookseller's shop, and on sale, no obstacles either to their landing of their circulation having occurred.

 The small Island of Marie Galante lies near to Guadaloupe, and belongs to the same government.  I had sent from Antigua some cases of Bibles to another Island lying before me in my course.  I learned afterwards that this vessel was wrecked on this Island, and hardly anything was saved but these Bibles as I understood, and they came again into my hands in the place where I wanted them.

 From Guadaloupe I went of Dominica.  This Island belongs to the English Government, but formerly it belonged to France.  The French language still prevails as that which is most generally spoken.  The Roman Catholic Religion prevails here, and is associated with the French tongue, whilst Protestantism, and [78] the English language are associated together.  The Wesleyans have a mission here, and the Church of England was found labouring also for the religious welfare of the Island.

 I found a few of the Inhabitants of Rousseau the capital, willing to give their aid in order to promote the objects of the Bible Society, and in consequence a Society was formed, and the Governor gave it his support as its Patron. [2]

[1] It is not clear when Mrs. Thomson joined him, but a later letter (Kingston, 27 February 1837) shows she was with him in Georgetown, British Guyana in January 1833.

[2] Thomson's letter to BFBS from Rousseau is dated 2nd May 1832.